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dc.contributor.authorCarstens, Vicki
dc.contributor.authorMletshe, Loyiso
dc.date.accessioned2017-02-28T09:50:52Z
dc.date.available2017-02-28T09:50:52Z
dc.date.issued2015
dc.identifier.citationCarstens, V. and Mletshe, L. (2015). Radical defectivity: Implications of Xhosa expletive constructions. Linguistic Inquiry, 46(2): 187-242en_US
dc.identifier.issn0024-3892
dc.identifier.urihttp://dx.doi.org/10.1162/LING_a_00180
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10566/2573
dc.description.abstractIn Xhosa VSO clauses, subject agreement exhibits default features, objects cannot be pronominalized, a subject focus reading is obligatory, and experiencer verbs with two DP arguments are precluded. We argue that impoverished versions of T and v* in VSO clauses lack the probe features involved in subject agreement, EPP, object shift, and nominative/accusative valuation within Xhosa SVO sentences. Only an unusual focus-linked strategy can Case-license full DPs in VSO clauses, but this is incompatible with inherent Cases borne by arguments of experiencer verbs. We show that CPs and augmentless NPs appear in positions where DPs cannot surface because uCase is a feature of D. Given the striking evidence for abstract Case in Xhosa, we propose Case-friendly analyses for Bantu Case-theoretic anomalies that Xhosa shares.en_US
dc.language.isoenen_US
dc.publisherMIT Pressen_US
dc.rightsThis is the pre-print version of thie article published available online at http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/LING_a_00180
dc.subjectisiXhosaen_US
dc.subjectLinguisticsen_US
dc.subjectLanguageen_US
dc.subjectExpletivesen_US
dc.titleRadical defectivity: Implications of Xhosa expletive constructionsen_US
dc.typeArticleen_US
dc.privacy.showsubmitterFALSE
dc.status.ispeerreviewedTRUE
dc.description.accreditationISIen_US


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